br Acknowledgements br Introduction It is well

Acknowledgements
. Introduction It is well established that prenatal events have life-long consequences (Barker, 1992; Cunha & Heckman, 2007; Almond & Currie, 2011). Moreover, events that happen in the postnatal period also different expression for future outcomes and its effects can often be large (Almond, Currie & Duque, 2016). This paper examines the effects of a world-wide public health concern that affects in-utero, early, and late childhood conditions on children\'s development: Exposure to violence (i.e., wars, armed conflicts, urban crime). More than 1.5billion people live in countries affected by repeated cycles of violence (World Bank, 2013), many of which are children (Grantham-McGregor et al., 2007). Recent research has shown the large damage on education and health outcomes from early-life violence (Camacho, 2008; Akresh, Lucchetti, & Thirumurthy, 2012; Minoiu & Shemyakina, 2012; Brown, 2014; Valente, 2011; Leon, 2012). I contribute to this literature in two dimensions. First, how does violence affect other domains of human capital beside education and health (i.e., cognitive and non-cognitive skills)? Identifying such effects is important both because measures of human capital (physical, cognitive, and non-cognitive indicators) can explain a large percentage of the variation in later-life educational attainment and wages (Heckman, Stixrud, & Urzua, 2006) and to understand mechanisms behind previous effects found for educational attainment and health. Second, to what extent do the effects of violence at different developmental stages differ? In particular, I analyze the effects of violence in each trimester of pregnancy and in two distinct post-birth developmental stages, early (ages 0–3) and late (ages 3+) childhood, following the large evidence of critical and sensitive periods in human development (Gluckman & Hanson, 2005; Knudsen, Heckman, Cameron, & Shonkoff, 2009). Moreover, do impacts on the particular type of skill considered (e.g., health vs. cognitive outcomes) differ by the developmental timing of the shock? Identifying the timing of exposures is important to facilitate investigation of the mechanisms through which conditions affect later outcomes (Conti & Heckman, 2014). To study these questions, I analyze survey microdata on 13,400 children collected in 2007 to evaluate a large social program in Colombia: a home-based childcare program called Hogares Comunitarios de Bienestar (HCB). HCB serves a million low-income children below age 7 with the goal to promote their health and cognitive and socio-emotional development by providing childcare, nutrition (50–70% of the daily allowance), and psychosocial stimulation. The HCB evaluation survey provides rich measures on child development that are not available in other national surveys, as well as it includes detailed information on parental investments that allow me to explore novel dimensions of the potential effects of violence. Most importantly, these data contain information on each child\'s year and month of birth, as well as household migration history, which allows me to identify with some precision a child\'s violence exposure in early-life. The data also include a subsample of siblings that I use to estimate models that account for a mother\'s time-invariant characteristic, which might be correlated with both the probability of residing in an area with high violence and with accumulating low levels of human capital. The mother fixed-effects models thus provide robust evidence on the effect of violence on children. Given the size and persistence of the effects of violence, I then ask an additional question: Do and how do parents respond to these shocks? To my knowledge, this is the first study that investigates the link between violence and parental responses. Family investments are important determinants of human capital (Cunha & Heckman, 2007; Aizer & Cunha, 2014) and parental responses can play a key role in compensating or reinforcing the effects of a shock (Almond & Currie, 2011; Almond & Mazumder, 2013). At present, well-identified empirical evidence on this question is scarce.